This could only occur in the European Union
Aidan Regan is professor at University College Dublin, School of Politics and International Relations
Cross-posted from Democracy Challenged
Ireland’s economic success story is, on the surface, dazzling. The country’s GDP — the broadest measure of economic activity — reached €510 billion in 2023, making it one of the richest countries in the world on a per capita basis. But behind the headlines lies a very different reality, one that looks far less prosperous for Irish workers, households, and local businesses.
The key to understanding this disconnect is a number few outside Ireland pay attention to: Modified Gross National Income, or GNI*. Unlike GDP, which counts all activity happening within Ireland’s borders, GNI* adjusts for the distortions caused by the huge presence of foreign multinationals. And the gap is enormous. In 2023, GNI* was just €291 billion — meaning more than €219 billion of Ireland’s reported output never truly flowed into the Irish economy at all.
This is not a minor accounting quirk. It is the product of a carefully engineered tax model that has turned Ireland into a global profit-shifting centre for US tech and pharmaceutical giants. These companies book vast revenues and profits in Ireland, especially for licensing intellectual property, and these profits are taxed under Irish law. However, the underlying ownership of the intellectual property and the strategic control over those profits remain with their foreign parent companies.
While Ireland captures a slice of these profits through corporate tax — fuelling a significant fiscal windfall — the remaining after-tax profits are typically repatriated to the parent or moved within the multinational’s global structure. In accounting terms, the profits may reside temporarily in Ireland, but the economic benefit and decision-making power sit firmly outside the country.
The heart of Ireland’s economic distortion lies not just in the scale of multinational activity, but in how it is measured. GDP, the headline figure so often cited by politicians and international agencies, counts the revenues booked in Ireland as if they fully belong to the Irish economy. It does not adjust for the fact that much of these revenues come from sales made elsewhere, or that the profits, intellectual property, and control remain in the hands of foreign parent companies.
Metric (2024/2023) | Amount (€ billion) | What it means |
---|---|---|
GDP (2023) | 510 | Total output recorded in Ireland, inflated by multinationals’ global sales booked through Ireland. |
Modified GNI* (2023) | 291 | Adjusted national income — the money actually staying in Ireland for residents and businesses. |
GDP vs. GNI* Gap | 219 | Over 40% of GDP is income that never reaches Ireland’s workers or businesses. |
Royalty Outflows (2024) | 169.3 | Payments from Irish subsidiaries to foreign parents for use of IP. A huge drain on national income. |
Royalty Outflows (Q4 2024) | 50 | A record quarter — royalty outflows alone were almost 10% of Ireland’s annual GDP. |
Royalties Received (Q4 2024) | 5.6 | Ireland receives far less in royalties than it pays out, highlighting its role as a global conduit rather than an IP centre. |
What makes this even more misleading is the way certain costs are treated — or more precisely, not treated — in GDP accounting. Key expenses, such as the depreciation of intellectual property and royalty payments sent abroad, are excluded from GDP calculations because it is measured before such costs are deducted. This means that the vast licensing revenues booked by these subsidiaries appear to supercharge Ireland’s economic output, while the associated outflows — which drain billions from the country’s income — do not register in the same headline number.
In 2024 alone, Irish-based entities paid €169.3 billion in royalties and licence fees to overseas affiliates, including a record €50 billion in the final quarter. These payments, made mostly to US parent companies or offshore vehicles, reflect the cost of using intellectual property that is not Irish-owned. They leave Ireland as service imports, weighing directly on GNI* — the measure that tries to reflect what actually stays in the country as income for Irish households and businesses.
The result is an economic façade. GDP looks bloated, but the income that supports jobs, consumer spending, and local business demand is much more modest. The Irish economy appears larger and wealthier than it truly is, because it records the global revenues of a small number of multinationals, without showing the parallel flows of profits, royalties, and IP depreciation that quietly drain back to foreign owners.
Yet this is only half the story. While the real income flowing to Irish workers and businesses remains limited, the profits declared by these multinationals in Ireland have delivered an extraordinary fiscal dividend. Despite the outflows, the profits left on Irish books for tax purposes have fuelled a corporate tax boom, with receipts exceeding €24 billion in 2024 alone.
This has allowed Ireland to run budget surpluses, reduce public debt, and expand public services, even as the underlying economy remains structurally dependent on a small group of foreign firms.
It is phantom prosperity. Ireland’s apparent wealth is underpinned by the accounting decisions of a handful of powerful multinationals using the country as a tax-efficient base for global profits. While these firms pay substantial corporate taxes, the benefits to the broader Irish economy are more limited than the headline figures suggest.
The vast licensing revenues booked in Ireland may inflate GDP, but they do little to boost real wages, expand domestic demand, or stimulate investment in the indigenous economy. The underlying income, ownership, and strategic control remain elsewhere, leaving Irish workers and local businesses to operate in an economy that is, in truth, much smaller than the statistics imply.
The risk is that Ireland becomes locked into a model of prosperity that is statistical rather than structural — highly visible on paper, but with fewer gains felt by the people and businesses that make up the real economy.
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